By John Friend
Regardless of one’s views of Donald Trump, who officially
secured the GOP presidential nomination in mid-June by obtaining the 1,237
minimum delegates
prior to the Republican convention later this summer, one
thing is certain: He has
shaken the political establishment to its very core. Since
the populist businessman announced his presidential bid last June, he has been
hysterically attacked and denounced by almost every sector of the mainstream
political establishment and mass media. Celebrities and popular pundits have ludicrously
compared Trump to Adolf Hitler. Feminists have attempted to portray him as a
hateful misogynist. Ethnic activists have hysterically
attacked him for his stance on illegal immigration, particularly his desire to
deport illegal aliens and build a wall on the southern border. Liberals and
conservatives alike have criticized
and berated the politically incorrect billionaire businessman
at virtually every opportunity possible. His unorthodox candidacy and expert
handling of the mass media have thrown a major wrench in the “politics as
usual” that has prevailed in this country for far too long. The political and
media establishment in general has characterized Trump as an unserious, egotistical
buffoon, despite his increasing popularity and policy proposals. Indeed,
Trump’s candidacy and populist talking points are resonating with millions of
Americans across the country, as demonstrated by the massive rallies his
campaign continues to generate. Trump
has created a movement that is much bigger than his
candidacy, something this country has not seen in generations. What Trump has
done to shake up Ameri-can politics is obviously terrifying the political establishment,
particularly the neoconservative faction that has largely dominated American
foreign policy under the past two administrations. Trump’s “America first”
foreign policy stance not to mention his critiques of illegal immigration, economic
globalization, and free trade—stands in stark contrast to the policies long
championed by the neoconservatives. Many independent analysts and commentators
are predicting that the disastrous reign of the neoconservatives, who dominated
George W. Bush’s administration and still heavily influence the current Obama administration,
will finally come to an end should Trump win the White House this fall. Trump
has essentially marginalized the leading figures in the neoconservative
movement, many of whom have openly announced their support for Hillary Clinton.
Some, including Bill Kristol, are attempting to organize a third-party
candidate to challenge both Trump and Clinton. In typical fashion, Trump took
to Twitter to slam Kristol, referring to the arch neo con and Israel-firster as
“an embarrassed loser” and a “lightweight” attempting to set up a “spoiler”
independent candidate.
For his part, Kristol announced on Twitter that an
“impressive” independent candidate “with a strong team and a real chance” would
be forth-coming. Thus far, Kristol and others attempting to organize a
third-party challenge to both Trump and Clinton have failed to find a candidate
willing to run.
Failed Republican candidate Mitt Romney has also gone above
and beyond what is considered normal, doing his best to sabotage Trump’s candidacy
as if he doesn’t understand that a Trump defeat will most likely equal a
Hillary victory. Who is Romney working for, anyway? Over the course of the past
few months, Trump has expounded on his “America first” foreign pol- icy, which
views foreign alliances and military interventionism with skepticism and as
largely harmful to America’s national interest.
Trump has been openly critical of the Iraq war, which was
entirely a result of the machinations of the neoconservatives dominating the
Bush administration and their allies in the mass media, and has boldly stated
that the war was a mistake
that has destabilized the entire Middle East. He also stated
the war was based on lies, which caused major controversy in Republican
circles, particularly among the neoconservatives who were so central to
spreading the lies and disin- formation used to justify the war in the first
place.
“They lied,” Trump stated in a GOP presidential debate in
South Carolina earlier this year. “They said there were weapons of mass
destruction. There were none, and they knew there were none.” Trump has also
been critical of President Obama’s handling of the civil war raging in Syria, which
pits Western-backed rebels against the nationalist government of President
Bashar al-Assad, who has received support from Russian
President Vladimir Putin. Trump has stated that he would
work well with Putin, who has alsobeen in the crosshairs of the Western
political establishment for years now. One problem, however, is that, like
every other candidate for public office in the United States, Trump has pledged
his loyalty and devotion to Israel. Leading Jewish financiers, including super-
Zionist gambling mogul Sheldon Adelson, have endorsed Trump and have attempted
to persuade
him to visit Israel this summer before the Repub-lican
convention. Thus far, Trump has admirably declined their offers.
Given all the disasters the neocons have deliv-ered to
America in recent decades, Trump’s moveto distance himself from them and
ultimately mar-
ginalize the leading figures within the movement should be
seen as a very welcome development to all patriotic Americans.On the other
hand, Trump is a wild card, who appears ready to say whatever it takes in front
of whatever audience he is speaking before to garner support. For instance, in
front of Christian groups he decries the homosexual agenda, while in front of
more liberal groups he vows to supportall Americans, despite their sexual
proclivities. All said, though, he frightens the entrenched establishment, and
that is something no other candidate has done in recent memory. And that is in
itself the best reason to vote for him.
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