Η τελευταία συνέντευξη του Γεώργιου Γρίβα Διγενή: Ο Μακάριος αθέτησε τον όρκο του για την Ένωση

Mε αφορμή την επέτειο της 1ης Απριλίου 1955, ημερομηνία εκκίνησης του ηρωικού αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ κατά των αποικιοκρατών, ο «ΕΚ» αναδημοσιεύει αποσπάσματα από την τελευταία συνέντευξη που παραχώρησε ο Στρατηγός Γεώργιος Γρίβας Διγενής, στο διεθνούς κύρους γερμανικό περιοδικό «Der Spiegel», στις 5 Νοεμβρίου 1973, λίγο πριν το θάνατό του.Ευχαριστούμε την εφημερίδα Μάχη για την παραχώρηση αυτής της συνέντευξης

Τι σας ώθησε Στρατηγέ vα κατέλθετε εις Κύπρov και vα αρχίσετε δυvαμικόv αγώvα;
Να αγωvισθώ διά τηv πραγματoπoίησιv τoυ σκoπoύ ov ετάξαμεv όταv ήρχισεv o αγώv της ΕΟΚΑ τo 1955, ήτoι τηv ΕΝΩΣIΝ. Διά τov σκoπόv αυτόv ωρκίσθημεv oμoύ μετά τoυ Πρoέδρoυ της Κυπριακής Δημoκρατίας και υπεγράψαμεv τov σχετικόv όρκov. Ο κ. Πρόεδρoς όμως είτα υπαvεχώρησεv, ηθέτησε τov όρκov τoυ και υπέγραψε τας συμφωvίας Ζυρίχης-Λovδίvoυ... πρoς εξυπηρέτησιv τωv ιδικώv τoυ σκoπώv.

Πιστεύετε ότι είvαι δυvατή σήμερov η επίτευξις της εvώσεως;
Εάv δεv επίστευα, δεv θα ηρχόμηv εις Κύπρov, υπέδειξα δε και πως vα επιτευχθή αύτη ειρηvικώ τω τρόπω και συμφώvως πρoς τας αρχάς και τoυ καταστατικoύ χάρτoυ τωv Ηvωμέvωv Εθvώv.

Αληθεύoυv oι πληρoφoρίαι ότι έχετε κηρύξει εκεχειρίαv και ότι εφεξής θα επιδoθήτε εις πoλιτικόv αγώvα δι' αυτoδιάθεσιv;
Τov αγώvα θα τov διεξάγω όπως θέλω, πoλιτικόv και στρατιωτικόv. Εκεχειρίαv δεv εκήρυξα, απλώς απέχω πάσης στρατιωτικής δράσεως θέλωv vα ίδω, αλλά αφήvωv και εις άλλoυς vα ίδoυv πoυ πάει o κ. Πρόεδρoς με τας συλλήψεις και τα βασαvιστήρια εις στιγμάς καθ' ας εκ μέρoυς μας δεv υπάρχει καμμία έvoπλoς δράσις και εφόσov μάλιστα πoυ επρoτείvαμεv δημoκρατικώ τω τρόπω vα λυθή τόσov τo εσωτερικώv πρόβλημα όσov και τo εθvικόv...

Κατ' επαvάληψιv κατηγoρήσατε τov Πρόεδρov Μακάριov ότι κατέστησε τηv Κύπρov κoμμoυvιστικόv πρoπύργιov. Πoύ στηρίζετε τας εισηγήσεις αυτάς;
Χωριό πoυ φαίvεται κoλαoύζo δεv χρειάζεται... Οταv αvεχώρησα από τηv Κύπρov τo 1958, τo κoμμoυvιστικόv κόμμα εψυχoρραγoύσε και ήσαv τελείως απoγoητευμέvα τα στελέχη τoυ ως πρoς τηv τύχηv τoυ Ελληvισμoύ εv Κύπρω. Τα περισσότερα τoύτωv τo εγκατέλειψαv ως καταπρoδώσαv τov απελευθερωτικόv αγώvα της ΕΟΚΑ και συvεργασθέv με τoυς άγγλoυς. Τoύτo συvoλικώς δεv απαριθμεί πλέov τoυ 10%. Εις τας εκλoγάς τoυ 1959 η παράταξις Κληρίδη συvεργασθείσα με τoυς κoμμoυvιστάς εvαvτίov τoυ Πρoέδρoυ της Κυπριακής Δημoκρατίας δεv εσυγκέvτρωσαv περισσότερov από 32-35%, εάv εvθυμoύμαι καλώς. Εις τας εκλoγάς τoυ 1970 μόvoι τωv oι αριστερoί παρoυσίασαv δύvαμιv περί τo 42%. Αλματώδης αύξησις από τo 1959 έως τo 1970. Σήμερov πλείσται δημόσιαι θέσεις κατέχovται από κoμμoυvιστάς, η κoμμoυvιστική πρoπαγάvδα είvαι ασύδoτoς εvώ τoυvαvτίov, η εθvική τoιαύτη διώκεται. Τo περίφημov επικoυρικόv σώμα έχει μεγίστηv αvαλoγίαv κoμμoυvιστώv. Ούτoι εγγράφovται εκεί κατόπιv oδηγιώv τoυ ΑΚΕΛ, πρoσελήφθησαv δε ovoμαστικώς κατόπιv επιλoγής και μη παρoυσιασθέvτες κατά τηv κλητευθείσαv κλάσιv τωv εις τov κυπριακόv στρατόv.

Η κυβέρvησις σας κατηγόρησε ότι κατηρτήσατε σχέδια δoλoφovίας τoυ Πρoέδρoυ Μακαρίoυ και ότι πρόθεσις σας είvαι vα καταλάβετε τηv αρχήv. Πoια είvαι η απάvτησίς σας;
Υπάρχει μια άλλη ελληvική παρoιμία: "τα δικά μας τoυ γειτόvoυ μας". Ο κ. Πρόεδρoς της Κυπριακής Δημoκρατίας έχει αvάγκηv θυματoπoιήσεως και ηρωoπoιήσεως διακηρύττωv εκάστoτε ότι κιvδυvεύει η ζωή τoυ διά vα στρέψη συγχρόvως τηv πρoσoχήv τoυ λαoύ πρoς τηv κατεύθυvσιv της δήθεv δoλoφovίας τoυ, όταv αι εv Κύπρω εξελίξεις δεv είvαι ευvoϊκαί δι' αυτόv. Ουδέv συγκεκριμέvov έχει εvαvτίov ημώv. Ομιλεί αoρίστως και πλάθει μύθoυς.

Εδημoσιεύθη ότι δεv εvδιαφέρεσθε πλέov διά τo εκλησιαστικόv και τoυς τρεις Μητρoπoλίτας. Εάv τoύτo είvαι αληθές, διατί;
Ουδέπoτε έπαυσα vα εvδιαφέρoμαι διά τo εκκλησιαστικόv... Η Εκκλησία της Κύπρoυ διεσπάσθη και λυπείται καvείς διότι εις αρχηγόv Εκκλησίας παραβαίvει τoυς ιερoύς καvόvες και παραπαίει εις τας πράξεις τoυ. Τo δε λυπηρότερov, τo oπoίov με αvησυχεί, διά τo σύvoλov της oρθoδόξoυ Εκκλησίας, είvαι ότι δεv ευρίσκovται αρχιερείς oι oπoίoι vα συλλάβoυv από τo αυτί τov παραvoμoύvτα αρχιερέα και vα τov αvαγκάσoυv vα εκλέξη μεταξύ Εκκλησίας και Πoλιτικής. Ερωτώ εάv εις τo ιστoρικόv oιασδήπoτε χριστιαvικής εκκλησίας υπάρχει πρoηγoύμεvov ως τoυ Πρoέδρoυ της Κυπριακής Δημoκρατίας.

Πιστεύετε ειλικριvώς ότι o Πρόεδρoς Μακάριoς δεv επιθυμεί τηv έvωσιv;
Πιστεύω ακραδάvτως. Ουδεμίαv αμφιβoλίαv έχω περί τoύτoυ. Είvαι πρoσωπική μoυ διαπίστωσις στηριγμέvη επί γεγovότωv.

Γιατί εvίστασθε εις τας εvδoκυπριακάς συvoμιλίας;
Αι εvδoκυπριακαί δεv μπoρoύv vα δώσoυv λύση σύμφωvα με ό,τι ζητoύμε και με τας αρχάς τoυ Καταστατικoύ Χάρτoυ τωv Ηvωμέvωv Εθvώv περί αυτoδιαθέσεως τωv λαώv. Πρόκειται περί εvός επικιvδύvoυ συμβιβασμoύ σκoπιμότητoς, όστις δεv θα κρατήση επί πoλύ, όπως όλoι oι συμβιβασμoί τoυ είδoυς αυτoύ, όπως υπήρξαv αι συμφωvίαι Ζυρίχης-Λovδίvoυ και τόσoι άλλoι και o oπoίoς θα δώση πρoσωριvήv λύσιv, αλλά και θα εγκυμovή κίvδυvov αvαφλέξεως μεγάλης πυρκαγιάς, η oπoία αγvooύμεv εις πoίov κύκλov θα μπoρή vα περιoρισθή και εάv δεv θα εμπλακoύv εις αυτήv και αι Μεγάλαι Δυvάμεις δεδoμέvoυ τoυ μεγάλoυ εvδιαφέρovτoς τo oπoίov επιδεικvύει σήμερov η Σoβιετική Εvωσις εις τηv Μ. Αvατoλήv και γεvικώς εις τηv Μεσόγειov. Γι' αυτό χρειάζεται ριζική λύσις. Και λύσις διά τωv εvδoκυπριακώv δεv δύvαται vα είvαι τoιαύτη, διότι είvαι άδικoς διά τoυς ελληvoκυπρίoυς και αvτίθετoς πρoς τας διεθvείς συμφωvίας και αρχάς.

Ο Πρόεδρoς Μακάριoς ισχυρίζεται ότι γvωρίζει πoύ ευρίσκεσθε αλλά δε σας συλλαμβάvει διά vα μη σας ηρωoπoιήση. Πoία η απάvτησίς σας;
Και εδώ ισχύει μία άλλη λαϊκή παρoιμία "όσα δεv φθάvει η αλεπoύ τα κάvει κρεμαστάρια". Ο κ. Πρόεδρoς αvτιγράφει και εδώ τα συστήματα πoυ εφήρμoζαv oι άγγλoι κατά τov αγώvα της ΕΟΚΑ διά vα καταρρίψη, ως voμίζω τo ηθικόv τωv oπαδώv μoυ αλλά και vα εvτυπωσιάση ότι δηλαδή με έχει στα χέρια oπoτεδήπoτε θελήσει και συvεπώς τov αγώvα μας δύvαται vα τερματίση oπoτεδήπoτε θέλει. Εάv εγvώριζε πoύ ευρίσκoμαι θα επεχείρει vα με συλλάβη, διότι γvωρίζει ότι τoύτo θα τoυ πρoσεπόριζε τεράστια oφέλη. Πρώτov θα συvελάμβαvε τov μόvov αvτίπαλov στov oπoίov υπoλoγίζει, υπηρετώv oύτω και τoυς φίλoυς τoυ αγγλoαμερικαvoύς, oι oπoίoι εvδιαφέρovται τα μέγιστα διά τηv καταστoλή τoυ αγώvoς μας εv Κύπρω, όπως κάλλιστα γvωρίζω. Δεύτερov, τεράστιov ηθικόv κύρoς πoυ θα απέκτα διότι θα συvέλαβε αvτίπαλόv τoυ τov oπoίov δεv κατόρθωσαv vα συλλάβoυv oι βρετανvoί, κυvηγώvτας αυτόv επί τέσσερα έτη με 40.000 στρατόv. Νoμίζετε αυτά τα oφέλη δεv είvαι τεράστια και θετικά περισσότερov από τας γλυώδεις εκάτoτε δηλώσεις τoυ ότι γvωρίζει μεv πoύ ευρίσκoμαι... αλλά δεv θέλει vα με συλλάβη;

Υπό πoίας πρoϋπoθέσεις είvαι δυvατόv vα εγκαταλείψετε oριστικώς τηv δυvαμικήv δράσιv σας;
Έχω επαvειλημμέvως δηλώσει ότι είμαι πραγματικός δημoκράτης και θα υπoταχθώ μόvov εις τηv θέλησιv τoυ ελληvικoύ κυπριακoύ λαoύ και oυδεvός άλλoυ. Πρoς τoύτo εκάλεσα τov κ. Πρόεδρov όπως αvαμετρηθώμεv επί τoυ πoλιτικoύ πεδίoυ αφoύ δoθoύv εις ημάς αι εγγυήσεις επί γvησίωv εκλoγώv και σύμφωvα με τoυς όρoυς τoυς oπoίoυς εθέσαμεv, ως πρoς τo Εθvικόv ζήτημα της Κύπρoυ θα θέση από τoύδε υπό τηv λαϊκήv ετυμηγoρίαv τι θέλει o λαός της Κύπρoυ ως σύvoλov και oυχί vα επιβληθή εις αυτόv ωρισμέvη λύσις ή vα ερωτηθή μόvov επί ωρισμέvωv λύσεωv. Άλλως, o αγώv μας θα συvεχισθή αμείωτoς.

Ρωσία: Aναστολή πώλησης τεθωρακισμένων αρμάτων στην Ελλάδα

Η Ρωσία αποφάσισε την αναστολή της πώλησης των 450 Τεθωρακισμένων Αρμάτων Μάχης (ΤΟΜΑ) ΒΜΡ-3 στην Ελλάδα. Οι συζητήσεις είχαν αρχίσει επι κυβέρνησης Καραμανλή τον Νοέμβριο του 2008, ενώ το υπουργείο Εθνικής Αμυνας της Ρωσίας έστειλε πριν από λίγες ημέρες επιστολή στον κ. Ευ. Βενιζέλο, με την οποία αναστέλλει την υλοποίηση της προμήθειας, λόγω της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα.

Σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες του «Βήματος το θέμα απασχόλησε ευρεία κυβερνητική σύσκεψη στη Μόσχα υπό την παρουσία και του προέδρου της χώρας Ντιμίτρι Μεντβέντεφ.

Στην επιστολή του ρώσου υπουργού Αμυνας αναφέρεται επίσης ότι η αρμόδια κρατική διεύθυνση εξοπλισμών είναι έτοιμη, μέσα στους επόμενους μήνες, να διοργανώσει παρουσίαση άλλων τύπων οπλικών συστημάτων σε έλληνες αξιωματούχους, στο πλαίσιο της στενής στρατηγικής και στρατιωτικής συνεργασίας των δύο χωρών.

Η πρόθεση της Αθήνας να επανεξετάσει το θέμα της προμήθειας των 450 ΤΟΜΑ είχε ξεκινήσει από τις αρχές του 2010 τόσο λόγω του κόστους του προγράμματος (το οποίο αν και άρχισε από το 1,2 δισ. ευρώ είχε πλησιάσει τα 2 δισ. ευρώ κατά τη διάρκεια των διαπραγματεύσεων για την οριστικοποίηση των επιχειρησιακών προδιαγραφών των αρμάτων) όσο και επειδή υπήρχε η άποψη ότι αντί για άρματα η Αθήνα θα μπορούσε να προμηθευτεί από τη Ρωσία χρησιμότερα οπλικά συστήματα.

Μάλιστα, στην ίδια επιστολή, ο ρώσος υπουργός Αμυνας αφήνει να εννοηθεί ότι μόλις η οικονομική κατάσταση της Ελλάδος βελτιωθεί, θα μπορούσε να εξεταστεί η δυνατότητα προμήθειας συστημάτων για την αντιαεροπορική άμυνα της χώρας (π.χ TOR M-2) που είναι και φθηνότερα και επιχειρησιακά χρησιμότερα.

Η εξέλιξη με τα ρωσικά άρματα κρίνεται από αρμοδίους επιτελείς ιδιαίτερα θετική διότι απελευθερώνει κρίσιμους πόρους. Ηδη άλλωστε, το υπουργείο Εθνικής Αμυνας αναμένεται να έχει προσεχώς και νέες συζητήσεις με τη Γαλλία σχετικά με το θέμα των φρεγατών FREMM.

Πρόκειται για ένα ιδιαίτερα κοστοβόρο εξοπλιστικό πρόγραμμα που παρά τις πιέσεις που σε τακτά διαστήματα έχει ασκήσει η γαλλική πλευρά δεν είναι εύκολο να προχωρήσει στην παρούσα οικονομική συγκυρία και η ελληνική κυβέρνηση το έχει καταστήσει σαφές.

Σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες, η Αθήνα θα επιδιώξει τη σύναψη μίας στρατηγικής συμφωνίας - πλαισίου με το Παρίσι, στην οποία θα ενταχθούν και οι εξοπλισμοί

Έρχεται ένταση στο Αιγαίο !

Του Μενέλαου Τασιόπουλου

Όταν όλες οι αρμάδες του κόσμου είναι μαζεμένες στη Μεσόγειο, πλην της Ρωσικής, με στραμμένη την προσοχή στη Λιβύη, είναι μια κατάλληλη στιγμή η Τουρκία να επιδιώξει να δημιουργήσει νέα δεδομένα στο Αιγαίο. Το κρίσιμο σημείο είναι έξω από το Καστελόριζο στο σημείο που ενώνονται η νόμιμη Αποκλειστική Οικονομική Ζώνη της Ελλάδος με την Κυπριακή άρα και με την Ισραηλινή , αλλά και η επιδιωκόμενη , εκτός Διεθνούς Δικαίου, Τουρκική με την Αιγυπτιακή.

Απόψε συγκεντρώνεται στον ναύσταθμο απέναντι από την Ρόδο, οι περισσότερες δυνάμεις Ναυτικού και Αεροπορίας της Τουρκίας. Μέσα στις επόμενες μέρες και ενώ θα εξελίσσεται η Σύνοδος Κορυφής της Ε.Ε, όπου το ελληνικό ενδιαφέρον είναι επικεντρωμένο στα ζητήματα οικονομίας, η Άγκυρα με μεθοδολογία Ψυχρού Πολέμου, θέλει να δείξει ότι η περιοχή έξω από το Καστελόριζο είναι διεθνής και όχι Ελληνική, ενώ μπλοκάροντας τεράστιες περιοχές της Ελληνικής υφαλοκρηπίδας, επιβεβαιώνει τις διεκδικήσεις της στο Αιγαίο.

Το ζήτημα για την Ελληνική κυβέρνηση, γίνεται αρκετά απλό. Ή θα σταματήσει τους «ενδοτισμούς» και τους περιπάτους στο Βερολίνο και θα συγκεντρωθεί στην υπεράσπιση των εθνικών συμφερόντων, σε επίπεδο υπουργείων Εξωτερικών και Άμυνας ή πολύ γρήγορα η Τουρκία αντιδρώντας στα νέα δεδομένα στη Μεσόγειο και την αποδυνάμωση του ΝΑΤΟ, που αυτή δημιουργεί μαζί με τη Γερμανία στο «μέτωπο» της Λιβύης , θα πετύχει νέα δεδομένα σε επίπεδο «ζωνών διεκδίκησης» και όχι στις «γκρίζες ζώνες» στο Αιγαίο.

Στη δεύτερη περίπτωση μετά το 1974 ελληνική κυβέρνηση θα χρεωθεί εθνική ήττα και αυτό όσο και αν η οικονομία βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο, θα φέρει ραγδαίες εξελίξεις, όπως και τότε. Η κυβέρνηση του Γ. Παπανδρέου έχει τη δυνατότητα στην παρούσα φάση να κλείσει τα θέματα των ΑΟΖ, μαζί με αυτήν του Αιγαίου. Οι συμμαχικές δυνάμεις που θα στηρίξουν ένα τέτοιο εγχείρημα είναι πολύ μεγαλύτερες και σημαντικότερες από όλα τα προηγούμενα χρόνια. Οι συσχετισμοί με Αμερικανούς, Γάλλους και Ισραηλινούς είναι υπέρ μας. Αλλά χρειάζεται αποφασιστικότητα, θάρρος και έμπειροι χειρισμοί για να υπάρξει το θετικό πολύ απλό αποτέλεσμα. Θα πρέπει να λάβουμε υπόψη μας δύο παράγοντες. Ο πρώτος ότι οι στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις στη Λιβύη γίνονται στο πλαίσιο της εφαρμογής του Διεθνούς Δικαίου. Δεύτερον ότι η Τουρκία θα προσπαθήσει με αιφνιδιασμό να δημιουργήσει νέα δεδομένα υπέρ της, σε κρίσιμους τομείς , όπως το πέρασμα της στο νότιο μέρος της Μεσογείου και οι συνθήκες κοινής διαχείρισης στο Αιγαίο, άσχετα με το μέλλον του ΝΑΤΟ.

Από την πλευρά της Ελλάδος, σε επίπεδο χειρισμών αλλά και σε επίπεδο στρατηγικής δίνει το μήνυμα του Ερζερούμ. «Προχωρήστε και δεν θα βρείτε αντίσταση». Ομοίως χειρίζεται και το Σκοπιανό. Αυτό που δεν γίνεται προφανώς αντιληπτό είναι ότι οι συνθήκες από το 1999 έχουν αλλάξει. Επίσης ότι το πρόβλημα του χρέους της Ελλάδος δεν λύνεται με το Μνημόνιο, ούτε με το «Σύμφωνο του ευρώ». Αλλά με διπλωματία υψηλής έντασης και γεωπολιτική προσέγγιση πολύ διαφορετική απ’ ότι την τελευταία 20ετια.

Οι επόμενες εβδομάδες θα κρίνουν το μέλλον και η μεγάλη αναστροφή και ευκαιρία είναι εκεί έξω. Στο ελληνικό αρχιπέλαγος του Αιγαίου!

Η δεύτερη εκπομπή του Κώστα Πλεύρη στο Κόντρα

Ο Κωνσταντίνος Πλεύρης συνεχίζει και πάλι τις τηλεοπτικές του εκπομπές, μετά από μια πολύχρονη παύση. Έτσι λοιπόν κάθε Τρίτη στις 20:15 ο Κωνσταντίνος Πλεύρης θα παρουσιάζει την δική του εκπομπή με τίτλο «Εμείς οι Έλληνες» στον τηλεοπτικό σταθμό Kontra channel. Συντονιστείτε! Δείτε στα παρακάτω βίντεο την 2η Εκπομπή.

Letter, March 24, 2011, Archbishop Demetrios to Metropolitan Isaiah

Moderator's Note: Archbishop Demetrios wrote a letter to Metropolitan Isaiah concerning the situation in Salt Lake City. The text of that letter is cited below; the original may be viewed here.

GREEK ORTHODOX ARCHDIOCESE OFAMERICA THE HOLY EPARCHIAL SYNOD

March 24, 2011
His Eminence Metropolitan Isaiah of Denver
Holy Metropolis of Denver
4550 East Alameda Avenue
Denver, CO 80246

Your Eminence Metropolitan Isaiah, beloved brother in the Lord,

At your request last October and in accordance with the Holy Canons and our Archdiocesan Charter and Regulations, the Holy Eparchial Synod agreed to review an appeal pertaining to the Greek Orthodox Church of Greater Salt Lake City. The Holy Synod in its meeting on March 17, 2011, reached consensus on the following decisions:

1. It is important to clarify that many of the existing misunderstandings and controversies are the result of the now-expired accommodations given to the parish in 1964 (referred to by some as the "1964 Accord"), with respect to the then-current Uniform Parish Regulations. It appears that a number of parishioners mistakenly believe that those accommodations are still in effect. In fact, since 1964, our Archdiocese has received two new Charters from our beloved Ecumenical Patriarchate and new regulations have been adopted by Clergy-Laity Congresses and ratified by the Holy and Sacred Synod of our Ecumenical Patriarchate. During this period, the Salt Lake City parish by having requested and accepted clergy and services from the Archdiocese, placed itself under the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese and, given our Canonical and hierarchical Church structure, bound itself to the Holy Canons and all provisions of the current Archdiocesan Charter and Regulations.

It is our fervent prayer and expectation that, since we have now clarified that the "1964 Accord" is not in effect, the parish's General Assembly and its newly elected parish council will administer the affairs of the parish in accordance with the Holy Canons and current Archdiocesan Regulations. Our Regulations are clear that all parish funds (including those invested at Hightower) must be owned exclusively by the parish and must be under the custodianship of the parish council (subject to the various requirements and controls contained in the Archdiocesan Regulations). The Archdiocese will assist the parish with completing a proper release of the approximately S1.2 million in funds frozen by the HighTower investment firm. At the same time, it is necessary to assure the applicable administrative agencies and all involved that these funds were not stolen or misappropriated.

2. As agreed, the Salt Lake community will remain as one united parish, until such time as the appropriate conditions are in place for the separation into two communities. Therefore, the ecclesiastical charter for Prophet Elias that was issued on April 12. 2010, is to be considered inapplicable and consequently withdrawn. Similarly, the Prophet Elias corporation will be formally dissolved and no separate trade names will be filed with the state of Utah for Holy Trinity and Prophet Elias.

The Holy Eparchial Synod believes that there are long-term spiritual and other benefits with the separation of Holy Trinity and Prophet Elias in the future. It encourages the parish to develop, under the guidance of one unified, elected parish council, long-tern strategy and planning committees. These teams of faithful should prayerfully and seriously consider ministry, operational, financial and other issues, in order to help meet the growing and diverse needs of the parishioners and provide greater opportunities for service to God's Holy Church.

3. The parish has an immediate need for an accurate list of stewards which reflects all individuals participating in the life of the parish. In an attempt to reach out to all the faithful the parish should contact those on stewardship rosters for the past several years and encourage them to submit a unified pledge of their time, talent and treasure for 2011, so that they may be considered stewards for the current year and participate in the general assembly voting for the Parish Council and similar activities. The Archdiocese will assist the parish in developing an updated roster and a comprehensive stewardship program. Since at this time the community will not be separated into two entities, there will be only one stewardship pledge form for the parish and all stewardship funds will be centrally administered by the parish council. Once the stewardship roster is developed, the parish will be in a position to hold a General Assembly according to the current Archdiocesan Charter and Regulations.

As stated in the Regulations, serving on the parish council is a ministry. There is a great need for our parish councils, and, indeed, for all parishioners in our communities, to fully understand their roles and obligations as stewards of the Church. Also every parish must make certain that fair and appropriate procedures for parish council elections are followed. Therefore, the legal, finance and stewardship committees of the Archdiocese will be at your disposal to assist the clergy with parish council training and developing a process for a fair and prompt parish council election.

Our Church values all its members and welcomes their ideas and contributions in building up the body of Christ (Eph. 4:12). At this time we ask that all the faithful of the Parish of Greater Salt Lake City come together as brothers and sisters to continue their service in humility and love in the vineyard of our Lord. We expect that they treat each other with respect, live as exemplary Orthodox Christians and respect the Church, the Archdiocese, their elected Metropolitan, the clergy and all the laity. The Holy Eparchial Synod with great love and care urges everyone involved forgiving each other, and abiding by its decisions.

Your Eminence Metropolitan Isaiah, beloved brother ill the Lord,

The Holy Synod, of which you are also a most valuable and integral member. affirms your authority as a Shepherd of the Holy Metropolis of Denver, and assures you, that it will firmly be at your side as you kindly implement the Synodal decisions for the benefit of the Greater Salt Lake City Community who are under your Administrative and Pastoral care.
On behalf of the Holy Eparchial Synod, we remain

With deep brotherly love and high esteem,

/s/

+DEMETRIOS Archbishop of America President of the Holy Eparchial Synod

cc.: Member Hierarchs of the Holy Eparchial Synod
Fr. Michael Kouremetis
Fr. Matthew Gilbert
The Parish Council of Holy Trinity Cathedral and Prophet Elias Church
John Johns-Counsel of the Metropolis of Denver
Appelants (sic)

Top Greek Orthodox leader nixes split of Salt Lake parish

By Kristen Moulton

The Salt Lake Tribune

The top leader of the Greek Orthodox Church in America has put a stop — for now — to the breakup of the Salt Lake City area Greek Orthodox community into two parishes.

But in a letter to the bishop for the Salt Lake City church dated Thursday, Demetrios, archbishop of America, said leadership nonetheless “believes that there are long-term spiritual and other benefits with the separation of Holy Trinity and Prophet Elias in the future.”

As president of the Holy Eparchial Synod, Demetrios’ letter resolves an imbroglio that has pitted hundreds of parishioners against their bishop and the pastor of Prophet Elias in Holladay, the Rev. Michael Kouremetis.

The parishioners appealed to the synod to stop the division of the community into two parishes, ordered last fall by the bishop, Metropolitan Isaiah of Denver. Metropolitan Isaiah is the Greek Orthodox leader for a 12-state region, including Utah.

More than 600 people signed a petition opposing the split of the community, which began with Holy Trinity in downtown Salt Lake City more than 100 years ago. The parish expanded when it built Prophet Elias in the 1960s.

Kouremetis did not return phone calls seeking comment Friday.

John Saltas, a member of the community, called the synod’s decision “great news.”

“Every member I’ve spoken to today is joyful,” said Saltas. “We can now have honest and open general assemblies ... to move the community forward.”

In his letter ordering the parish be split last October, Metropolitan Isaiah said the churches had been “de facto” separate parishes for several years, and he wanted to end the “anger and animosity between these parishes” by formalizing the split.

Archbishop Demetrios, in his letter Thursday, ordered that the Prophet Elias corporation and the ecclesiastical charter — which he signed last spring at the request of Metropolitan Isaiah — be dissolved.

“The Salt Lake community will remain one united parish until such time as the appropriate conditions are in place for the separation into two communities,” he wrote.

The archbishop, based in New York, also encouraged the parish to develop, under the guidance of an elected parish council, long-term strategy and planning committees.

And he sought to put to rest accusations that $1.2 million left over from the Holy Trinity cathedral renovation had been “stolen” and directed that the money be moved from a “frozen” investment account into an account controlled by the parish council.

The Salt Lake Greek Orthodox community also needs to immediately identify stewards, parishioners willing to pledge “time, talent and treasure” and be eligible to vote in a general assembly to elect a new parish council, the archbishop wrote.

kmoulton@sltrib.com

Showing 6 comments

• themeista 9 hours ago

  Okay, here's what the story doesn't tell you:
  1. Splitting the parishes and splitting the community are two seperate things. Orthodox churches are supposed to stand alone... not to have two buildings with one council. Again, the community is not looking to split, but just to seperate the two churches as is dictated by Orthodox "law".
  2. The vote by members to not split was a sham, behind closed doors, by invitation only and was not sanctioned by the community but by rich and powerful people trying to sway opinion. Also, while 600 sounds like a large number, that is only a small fraction of the numbers in the Greek Orthodox community in Salt Lake.
  3. Saltas is a misguided fool if he thinks "honest and open general assemblies" will occur. The same rich and powerful families that have always controlled the community will do so again.
  4. To James Georgas I say this, while you may be frustrated by the so-called "theocrats", the Orthodox church is not a democracy. The people do not decide how it is run... as with any church. The beauty of the Orthodox church is that it has not changed from when it was originally conceived 2000 years ago. Furthermore, the people did raise funds in the 1960s for a seperate church. Unfortunately, the council at the time did not vote to split, which was a mistake.

• zhto 3 hours ago in reply to themeista

  Not quite themeista:
  
  1. Please cite the Orthodox "law" you refer to. You won't find it because it doesn't exist. Good luck in your search.
  
  2. Did you forget the survey that the "splitsiotes" put together where 87% of respondents voted to remain united? This had nothing to do with the meeting you reference whose 600 attendees far exceed the number of those in favor of splitting.
  
  3. You certainly aren't implying that what has occurred since the arrival of Kouremetis has been honest and open are you? If that's the case then you are the misguided fool.
  
  4. While the Orthodox church is not a democracy, the people have always had a voice in its governance. The church would not exist without the people. As for the building of a second church in the 60's, a quick look at history would enlighten you as to who decided not to split then. It wasn't the council but the late Archbishop Iakovos.

  4 people liked this.

• utahan 1 day ago

  I don't understand how the Greek community could split. The Greek community had an aura of unity and brotherhood and such a rich cultural heritage as attested to the enormously successful Greek Festival that is an event that is heavily enjoyed by thousands of diverse persons in Utah. Has it finally been enough passage of time from the first Greek immigrants to arrive in Utah that the glue and kinship that bound those immigrants and their children is breaking apart?

  10 people liked this.

• themeista 8 hours ago in reply to utahan

  Splitting the parishes and splitting the community are two seperate things. Orthodox churches are supposed to stand alone... not to have two buildings with one council. Again, the community is not looking to split, but just to seperate the two churches as is dictated by Orthodox "law".
  

• James Georgas 1 day ago

  I just hope now they let the people vote for their parish council instead of letting the theocrats run the Church as if we were in the 12th century. I have always stated, if certain people in Salt Lake want their own parish: go raise the funds and create one. I no longer live in Utah but I grew up here and Prophet Elias and Holy Trinity are one and always will be

  16 people liked this.

• themeista 8 hours ago in reply to James Georgas

  While you may be frustrated by the so-called "theocrats", the Orthodox church is not a democracy. The people do not decide how it is run... as with any church. The beauty of the Orthodox church is that it has not changed from when it was originally conceived 2000 years ago. Furthermore, the people did raise funds in the 1960s for a seperate church. Unfortunately, the council at the time did not vote to split, which was a mistake.
  

To μήνυμα της υπουργού Εξωτερικών Χίλαρυ Κλίντον γιά την εθνική μας επέτειο..

Greece's National Day

Press Statement

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State

Washington, DC

March 24, 2011

---

On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I congratulate Hellenes and Philhellenes worldwide as you celebrate the 190th anniversary of Greece’s Independence this March 25th.

190 years of independence is a significant achievement, but Greek contributions to democracy and liberty go back thousands of years. Every day, countries and people from all regions of the world draw inspiration from Athenian democracy in their own constitutions and legal systems. In the United States, our founders looked to the cradle of democracy and in turn created the words that would be enshrined in our constitution.

Our shared commitment to these universal values has never been more important to the aspirations of people across the globe. Today, our Greek allies continue to set an example with these ideals. Greece is contributing to peace in Europe, South Asia, and North Africa. The United States is proud to have a partner in Greece to help advance and defend democratic principles around the world.

In the United States, Greek Americans have contributed in ways large and small to the fabric of our nation. In arts, sports, politics, business – everywhere you look – Greek Americans have helped shape our country.

As we celebrate the anniversary of this great republic, know that the United States remains committed to this enduring alliance and the principles of your founding all those years ago. Our country is forever impacted and grateful for the contributions of Hellenes worldwide. Congratulations and best wishes for another 190 years of peace, progress and prosperity.

PRN: 2011/४६५
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/03/159092.htm

Η διακήρυξη του πρόεδρου των ΗΠΑ Μπαράκ Ομπάμα, γιά την εθνική εορτή των Ελλήνων

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release

March 24, 2011

Presidential Proclamation

Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy

A PROCLAMATION

One hundred ninety years ago, Greece regained its independence and became a symbol of democracy for the world for the second time in history. As America recognizes this milestone in the birthplace of democracy, we also celebrate our warm friendship with Greece and the lasting legacy of Hellenic culture in our own country.
America's Founders drew upon the core democratic principles developed in ancient Greece as they imagined a new government. Since that time, our Union has strived to uphold the belief that each person has a fundamental right to liberty and participation in the democratic process, and Greece has continued to promote those very principles. Over the centuries these cherished ideals -- democracy, equality, and freedom -- have inspired our citizens and the world.
The relationship between the United States and Greece extends beyond our common values and is strengthened by the profound influence of Greek culture on our national life. From the architecture of our historic buildings to the lessons in philosophy and literature passed on in our classrooms, America has drawn on the deep intellectual traditions of the Greeks in our own establishment and growth as a nation. Reinforcing the steadfast bonds between our two countries, Americans of Greek descent have maintained the best of their heritage and immeasurably enriched our national character.
The American people stand with Greece to honor the legacy of democracy wrought over 2,000 years ago and its restoration to the Hellenic Republic nearly 200 years ago. As we celebrate the history and values of Greece and the United States, we also look forward to our shared future and recommit to continuing our work as friends and allies.
NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim March 25, 2011, as "Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy." I call upon all the people of the United States to observe this day with appropriate ceremonies and activities.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-fourth day of March, in the year of our Lord two thousand eleven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-fifth.

BARACK OBAMA

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/03/24/presidential-proclamation-greek-independence-day-national-day-celebratio

American Philhellenes and the Greek War for Independence

By: GEORGE C. CHRYSSIS

Early period of the American philhellenic movement

The 1776 American Revolution was an inspiration to the then enslaved Greeks, not only during the actual days of the revolutionary war, but long after its successful completion and the eventual declaration of independence and the creation of the United States of America.
There are unconfirmed reports, that in the battle of Monmouth, New Jersey, which took place on June 28th, 1778, Greek volunteers fought under the leadership of a young man called Demetrios Ypsilanti, who allegedly later returned to Greece and might have fought or influenced the advent of the War for Independence.
Today, a town near Detroit, Michigan, bears the name Ypsilanti in honor of a Demetrios Ypsilanti. Historians point out that the town was named after the Greek Revolution hero Demetrios Ypsilanti, brother of "Philiki Eteria" leader Alexandros Ypsilanti, rather than the "Monmouth battle legend".
Irrespective of whom the town was named after, the fact remains that the heroism of a Greek freedom fighter inspired judge Augustus Woodward to name, in 1833, a town after a man "who in the beginning of the 19th Century, in charge of three hundred men, successfully battled an entire Turkish army, inflicting damage and eventually escaped without losing a single man".
When the bell of the Revolution rang in 1821 and the cry "Freedom or Death" resonated over the enslaved Greeks, a number of American philhellenes started a lobbying campaign in the United States for the support of the Greek War of Independence, a campaign that captured the imagination of many influential political and civil leaders in America.
The Greeks on the other hand, knew from the very beginning of their War of Independence that the American people would understand their struggle, having themselves fought for independence a few years back, and sought the support and influence of the new Republic to advance and promote the Greek cause.
Thus, on May 25th, 1821, Petros Mavromichalis, on behalf of the Messinian Congress send a letter to the then Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, which was published in the American newspapers, asking for moral support. "Your virtues, Americans, are close to ours, although a broad sea separates us", wrote among other Mavromichalis. "We feel you closer than our neighboring countries and we consider you as friends, co-patriots and brothers, because you are fair, philanthropic and brave… Do not deny to help us…" Edward Everett, a Harvard professor and great philhellene, who was also the publisher of the North American Review, published every correspondence of letters or appeals that he was receiving from Greece and through articles and speeches he made strong public pronouncements for the recognition of the Revolution and for sending military aid to Greece.
On December 3rd, 1822, US president James Monroe in his annual address to Congress said: "A strong hope is entertained that the Greeks will recover their independence and assume their equal statue among the nations of the earth."
Unfortunately, on December 2nd, 1823, president Monroe announced the "Monroe Doctrine", which in essence excluded the United States from getting involved in European affairs and considered the then existing European governments as "de facto legitimate." On December 8th, 1823, Congressman Daniel Webster from Massachusetts made a motion in Congress for the appropriation of money, to send an American envoy to Greece and for the support of the Greek struggle for independence.
On January 19th, 1824, Webster gave a powerful and resonating speech in defense of his proposal. "I have in mind the modern not the ancient, the alive and not the dead Greece… today's Greece, fighting against unprecedented difficulties… a Greece fighting for its existence and for the common privilege of human existence", said Webster.
Congressman Henry Clay, from Kentucky, supported Webster's motion and in a moving oratorical speech on January 20th, 1824, asked Congress to officially recognize the Greek War of Independence and to send an envoy to Greece to examine and report on the situation. He stressed the fact that the entire American nation was showing sympathy and support for Greece and urged Congress to suppress any fears and apprehensions and to help a Christian nation. In addition, General Sam Houston, a member of Congress, supported Daniel Webster's motion.
Unfortunately, due to strong opposition from members of Congress that adhered to the principles of the "Monroe Doctrine", the Webster motion was defeated.
However, the speeches of the great philhellenes, Webster and Clay, were widely publicized in America, Europe and South America and sparked the interest of many individuals, who decided to help the Greek revolution with various means. The influence and the positive contributions of the American philhellenes to the Greek War of Independence had just begun!

Thomas Jefferson and Adamantios Koraes
It is worth noting that Adamantios Koraes, a Greek physician, intellectual, scholar and an early "prophet" of the Revolution, who believed that independence of Greece could only be achieved by educational progress, wrote many times to Thomas Jefferson asking for his support to the struggle of Greece for independence.
Koraes, who at the time lived in Paris, met Jefferson there around 1785, when Jefferson served as the ambassador of the United States to France. Following Jefferson's return to America in 1789, the two men continued their friendship through correspondence. Koraes' letters to Jefferson were passionate and full of patriotic zest, always promoting the case that it was to the best interest of America and the American people to help Greece attain its freedom. "Help us, fortunate Americans", wrote Koraes in a letter dated July 10th, 1823, "We are not asking you for a handout. Rather, we are providing you with an opportunity to augment your good fortune."
Koraes believed that appealing to powerful, respected and enlightened philhellenes to intervene and influence their respective governments for the recognition of the Greek cause, was a powerful and invaluable political tool. Himself an "enlightened revolutionary", he believed that the power of intellect and diplomacy was more effective than the might of soldiers and arms. Through correspondence and personal contacts, Koraes convinced many foreign intellectuals that the continuing use of the Greek language since classical days, together with a continuous habitation of the same lands and of common religion, history and tradition, was conclusive evidence of the existence of a Greek national identity, thus establishing a strong argument for the recognition of an independent Greek state.

The American philhellenes
The first volunteer American to travel to Greece and join the Greek War of Independence was George Jarvis, a New Yorker, who went to Greece in 1822. He learned the Greek language, put on a "foustanella" (Greek kilted skirt) and upon joining the "kleftes" (Greek guerilla fighters) he became known as "Kapetan Zervos". Jarvis was brave, participated in many battles and was repeatedly wounded. He died of natural causes in Argos on August 11th, 1828, but his appeals back home for aid and contributions to the Greek cause paid off.
Jarvis became a role model for other American volunteers. In 1824, Captain Jonathan P. Miller, of Vermont, arrived in Greece. He too learned the Greek language, worn the foustanella and was fearless in battle. Miller was in Messolongi during its siege and in a letter to Edward Everett dated May 3rd, 1826, he described the heroic "exodus" and the subsequent fall of Messolongi and the massacre of its population by the Ottomans.
While in Greece, Miller adopted a four-year-old boy, whom he brought back to Vermont. This boy, Loukas Miltiades Miller, eventually graduated from Vermont University in 1845, and shortly thereafter he married and moved to the town of Oshkosh, Wisconsin, where he engaged in business and civic activities. In 1853 he was elected a member of the State Legislature and in 1891 he was the first American of Greek origin to be elected to the Congress of the United States of America!
However, by far the best-known philhellene is Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, a Bostonian physician. Upon his arrival in Greece, he enlisted in the Greek Army and for six years he served as a soldier and a chief surgeon. In 1829 he established a medical center in Aegina and a school for the blind in Corinth. Long after the revolution, Howe continued to be active in Greek affairs, both in Greece and in the United States. In 1866, during the Cretan Revolution, he returned to Greece with his wife Julia Ward Howe, to organize support for the new uprising of the Cretans against Ottoman tyranny and enslavement.
Other American philhellenes who went to Greece to offer their services during the Revolution were George Wilson of Providence, Rhode Island, who excelled in bravery during the naval battle at Nafpaktos; James Williams, an African American from Baltimore who joined the Greek Navy forces; Estwick Evans from New Hampshire, who left behind his wife and children in order to fight the Greek War for Independence; captain John M. Allen; and William Townsend Washington, a distant relative of president George Washington, who despite his erratic personal behavior and colorful life-style he was fearless and brave and fell heroically fighting in the battle of Palamidi.
In the meantime, the Greek Revolution was gaining support among the American philhellene citizens and many were collecting money to help the Greek cause. Through the fundraising efforts of New York philhellenes, the amount of 6,600 sterling pounds was collected in 1824 and was forwarded to the Greek government via London, England.
During a fundraiser in New York City, Nicholas Biddle, a banker, offered the then largest personal donation of $300 to the "New York Greek Relief Committee", while US president John Adams in a letter to the same committee encouraged the fundraising efforts. Leading the fundraising efforts in Baltimore was Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, a signatory of the Declaration of Independence, and in Philadelphia the leader was Mathew Carey.
In 1825, the French General Lafayette, a great philhellene and staunch supporter of the Greek Revolution, visited the United States and in every affair that he attended in his honor, proclaimed the importance and the moral responsibility of helping, in any way possible, the Greek struggle for independence.
However, by 1826 the initial enthusiasm of the American public begun to wane, partly due to conflicting reports about the success of the war and also because of disturbing news about infighting and rivalry among the Greek leaders.
To rekindle the American philhellenic movement, the Greek revolutionary leader Theodoros Kolokotronis, through George Jarvis, sent a letter to Edward Everett dated July 5th, 1826, in which the great Greek leader explained the situation in Greece, pledged unity and appealed for further help and support. "Greece is forever grateful to the philanthropy of our Christian [American] brothers", wrote Kolokotronis, "who share her struggle and who also support with their funds her just war [for independence]… the Greeks, determined to live or die free, do not fear shedding their blood… or the killing of their old, their women and their children… and they are ready to accept death rather than slavery; and now, more than ever, enthusiastically and united they are moving forward against [the Turks]… The Greek nation is not ungrateful to its benefactors. It is grateful to those who proclaim its epic struggle and their names will be recorded with indelible letters in the annals of the reborn Greece, in timeless display, for the respect of upcoming generations… Do not stop sending us your contributions… thus [you are] benefiting humanity and fulfilling Christ's will. " The letter was translated by Everett and parts of it, along with parts from Jarvis' accompanying letter, were published in newspapers in Boston, Philadelphia, New York and other cities, sparking a new initiative of aid and assistance for the Greek nation.

Material aid to Greece
Captain Jonathan P. Miller returned to the United States in 1826 and through the efforts of the Greek Philhellenic Committee of New York, he was able to collect $17,500 worth of various relief supplies, which he took back to Greece onboard the ship "Chancellor", on March 5th, 1827.
The same year two more ships, "Jane" and "Six Brothers", left New York harbor bound for Greece carrying various relief supplies of $25,000 in the aggregate.
At about the same time, two more shiploads of supplies totaling about $22,500 left the port of Philadelphia onboard the ships "Tontine" and "Levant", while from Boston the ship "Statesman" carried to Greece cargo worth over $11,500.
All these relief provisions that contained food items, clothing, medical supplies and other necessities, were distributed primarily to the suffering Greek civilian population, albeit soldiers and brigands usurped some supplies upon the arrival of the cargo to Greece.
On January 2nd, 1827, Congressman Edward Livingston from Louisiana introduced a motion in Congress for the appropriation of $50,000 to purchase supplies for the needy people of Greece. His motion was defeated, but through private initiatives and fundraising activities $80,000 was collected in a combination of cash, food items and other in-kind aid.
In 1927 and 1928 a total of eight shiploads of supplies and relief aid worth more than $150,000 (an extraordinary amount by today's standards) were dispatched to Greece and distributed by overseeing officials to needy members of the civilian population. It was obvious that the publication of Kolokotronis' letter had a great impact in rekindling the humanitarian interest of the Americans toward the ongoing Greek struggle. Furthermore, the various printed articles about Greece and its War of Independence that Everett and Carey published through their publications, along with the letters and reports published in American newspapers from the great philhellenes and humanitarians Howe, Miller and Jarvis, kept the struggle and plight of the Greeks in the forefront of the American public opinion.
It is estimated that thousand of Greeks were saved from starvation, exposure to the elements and disease through the efforts of these philhellenes. It may be safe to say that without the moral, intellectual, political, monetary and in-kind assistance of these American men, the outcome of the Greek War for Independence might have been different.
And lastly, several these men arranged to transport a number of war orphans to the United States that were adopted by American families. Many of these orphans received College education, excelled in their professions and became productive and admired citizens of the United States, while others chose to go back to Greece to offer their expertise and advice to the newly created Greek state.

(About the author: George C. Chryssis is a successful entrepreneur, philanthropist, civic activist, poet and author. He is a past supreme President of the Pancretan Association of America, a member of AHEPA, an Archon of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, a member of the Greek Archdiocese of America Leadership 100, former Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees at Hellenic College, and Trustee of Northeastern University and Wentworth Institute of Technology. He is a founder and a former publisher of "The Hellenic Voice", a national newspaper serving the Greek American community. George, has written and published several literary essays, technical articles, editorials and commentaries, as well as four poetry books (in both Greek and English), and an internationally acclaimed and highly recognized technical book in English (with a Chinese translation). For his contributions, activities and accomplishments, he has received numerous awards, citations and recognitions. He lives and works in Boston, Massachusetts.)
Theodoros Kolokotronis (1770-1843), the leading military hero of the 1821 Greek Revolution of Independence.


The great Bostonian philhellene, Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, in an 1859 photograph.


Greece expiring on the ruins of Messolongi, by Delacroix


Coraes and Regas helping a rising Greece

Greek War of Independence

---

---

Fall of Constantinople - 400 years opression

The Greek Revolution of 1821 was a nation's triumph, a romantic story of heroic action. It was a tragedy, a miracle, a myth.

As Sultan Mehmet II captured Constantinople in Tuesday 29 May 1453, marked the end of Hellenism or Romiosini (Romania). Greeks (Hellenes) who in ancient times, developed the best civilisation with names as Platon, Socrates, Aristotle, Hyppocrates, Diogenes, Herodotus, Thoukidides, were now slaves. Greeks (Romaeoi), who in middle ages with the glorious Eastern Empire protected the Christianity and the Greek Civilisation from barbarians with names as Nicephorus Phocas, Basil II Bulgaroctonus, Alexius Comnenus, were now in disgrace. Minor Asia the birthplace of philosophy, Athina the birthplace of Democracy, Constantinople the center of Orthodoxy, Macedonia the birthplace of Alexander the Great, Sparta the homeland of Leonidas were polluted by the presence of the asian savages.

After the conquest of Byzantine Empire, Mehmet II forsaw that his christian subjects would help to organise his huge state. Commerce, practical arts, administration, science were unknown to ottomans whose only care was the war. So he appointed Georgios Yennadhios as Patriarch in Constantinople and leader of all Greeks (Romaeoi) while he was guaranteed personal inviolability, freedom of movement and exemption from taxes. The Greek Orthodox Church survived, and it was this Church who preserved the traditions and the greek language and since Language means Nation, according to Adhamantios Korais, it was the Orthodox Church who preserved the national identity of Greeks.

Ottoman occupation was very harsh for christians and meant not only the destruction on the grounds of thousands monasteries, churches, monuments, burning of documents, manuscripts, icons but also meant heavy taxation for non muslim subjects, hard work on the fields and illiteracy. Many christians became muslims to be saved from the cruel behavior from the state. A century after the fall of Constantinople a professor from Tubingen, Martin Crusius, on a visit to Greece lamented: 'In all Greece studies nowhere flourish. They have no public academies or professors, except for the most trivial schools in which the boys are taught to read the Horologion, the Psalter and other books which are used in the lithurgy. But amongst the priests and monks those who really understand these books are very few indeed. Historian Thanasis Petsalis - Diomidis wrote: 'In 1630 there isn't not even a single organized school in Greece. Only one exists in Constantinople and this is the Patriarchical School.' Patriarch Kyrillos, in 1628 imported a press machine from Great Britain to print books in the greek language, but after only two years of function, the machine was destroyed by the janissaries. Church remained in close touch with the people, and taught, many times in secret, the boys the language of their fathers. Everybody in Greece knows the rhyme, that boys sung when, secretly in night were going to secret schools krufa scholia to be educated:

Fengaraki mo lampro - Little moon, so bright and cool
fegge mou na perpato - Light me on my way to school
na pigaino sto scholio - Where to study I am free
na matheno grammata - And God's word is taught to me.
grammata spoudasmata
tou theou ta pragmata.

One burden unbearable for non muslim subjects was the heavy taxation. Greek peasants worked as tenants on land owned by an individual landlord or the state and they had to pay taxes for the products they produced. Also Sultan guaranteed their lives for a year as long as they paid the harach, the poll tax to the central government while a major part of their taxes was seized by the corrupted civil servants. The most glaring example of a local potentate was Ali Pasha of Ioannina, who increased his private estates at the expense of the long-suffering peasants. He used to put pressure on the villagers to sell to him by driving them into debt at high interest rates through extraordinary exactions, and also by quartering his Albanian soldiers in their houses. When the peasants could no longer pay their debts, Ali made the village his chiftlik and the villagers in effect his serfs. In 1821, Ali controlled 915 chiftliks. So Greeks fled many to Europe, others to the mountains where they became brigands klephtes. Deserted villages became a common sight inside Ottoman Empire.

Another burden, memory of which still smoulders in the greek national consciousness, was the turkish system of devschirme: the forcible conscription of young men and their removal to Istanbul to join the imperial service, especially in a military role as janissaries. The Paidomazoma turned the young christians to fanatic muslim soldiers. After a long and specialized training, these children became the Sultan's most loyal vassals. He had the right over their life. They also constituted the most competent army, not only within the Empire, but in the whole of Europe. Also, beautiful christian girls were taken by force to the harems of the commanders pashas. Ali Pasha had thousands of women in his harems. He had dozens of spies, who searched for beautiful boys and girls. It is not an exaggeration to say that the modern turks are greeks islamized. In 1705 the official sent to Naoussa of Macedonia to draft new janissaries, was killed, while the crowd shouted their resistance to giving up their sons. The infidel parents were beheaded and their severed heads were displayed in the city before sent to the governor of Thessalonika. According to historian Paparighopoulos 1 million boys were transformed to Janissaries during the dark years of ottoman occupation.

Greeks, during ottoman occupation had tried many revolts, but without success, because they were local and not properly organized. Immediately, after the fall of Constantinople, Peloponness revolted, in 1463. Patra, Mystras, Korinthos were temporarily liberated. Greeks counted on the venetian help, or any european help but actually Europeans didn't help the local people to ged rid of their oppressors. Nevertheless Mani remained autonomous during turkish rule. Revolts took place also in Macedonia, Epirus, Crete. Suli also remained autonomous and Sfakia of Crete the same. The mountains, where klephtes lived, were always free:

Ego veziri den psifo, pasha den proskinao-I don't care for vezirs and I don't kowtow pashas
pasha eho to ntoufeki mou, veziri to spathi mou.-My gun is my pasha and my sword is my vezir

Also in 1571, when turkish fleet was defeated in the Lepando (Nafpaktos) naval battle, greeks again in many places revolted against the oppressor. Dionysios Skulosophos bishop of Thesally revolted in 17th century and almost managed to conquer Ioannina. He failed and he was skinned alive. His friend Serafeim, bishop of Fanari, refused to become muslim and was tortured to death. The last important insurrections took place in Peloponness in 1769, when Russians promised to help, but they sent the brothers Orloffs with only 1000 russian soldiers and a few ships. Greeks this time trusted Russians but in vain. Turkoalbanians suppressed the revolution and deserted many cities and villages. And the same happened in 1790 with the revolt of Lampros Katsonis. After the French Revolution in 1789, Hellenes transferred their hopes to Napoleon Bonaparte. But soon they knew that they were alone, and only with their own forces they would throw the opressor away.

Three names are associated with the national rousement of ideas of independence. Righas Feraeos, Adamantios Korais and Kosmas Aitolos. Kosmas Aitolos was a monk and taught in 18th century to every village of Macedonia, Epirus and Thessaly. He said to people that schools must be built first and then all the others. He was betrayed by Jews and was strangled by the pasha of Veration in Northern Epirus, in 1779. Rigas Feraeos or Velestinlis was born in 1757 in the Velestino or Phere of Thessaly. After a quarrel with a turk, he ran away and went to Wallachia, where he became secretary of an Austian baron who brought him to Vienna in 1790. Vienna, as almost all the big cities of Europe, had a big community of Greeks who couldn't suffer the turkish oppresion. Righas publiced many works about sciences, education books but his best works were those who refered to the liberty and the human rights of all people who suffered under tyranical regimes. An Hynm, Thourios that was sang from all Greeks of that time and is still sang today is:

Shall we live in mountain passes, like warriors of old?-Os pote pallikaria tha zoume sta stena
Shall we live alone like lions, on the top of mountains?-monahoi san liontaria stis rahes, sta vouna?
na feugoume apo ton kosmon gia tin pikri sklavia, na hanoume adelfia, patrida kai goneis,
tous filous, ta paidia mas kai olous tous siggeneis? No! better an hour of freedom, than forty years as slaves-Kallio mias oras eleutheri zoi para saranta hronia sklavia kai fylaki

Righas' ecumenical vision was based aslo on the idea of the supremacy of the law:'let the law be our coutry's only guide.Rhigas proposed as a state's basic principles: Liberty, Equality, Security of life, Security of property, Freedom of speech and of religion. His proposals were very far-sighted. When the government harasses and disdains the rights of the people, then the people should take the arms and punish their tyrants. For his ideas Righas was arrested by dictatorial Austrian authorities, and was handed with seventeen other patriots, to turks. He was betrayed by a greek named Demetrios Oikonomou. (Greece along with the heroes had and has many traitors. Efialtis betrayed Leonidas, Greeks opened the Kerkoporta of Constantinople to the turkish besiegers, Nenekos fought with 2000 greeks on the side of sultan, against the revolutionaries etc.) Righas and his comrades after torture from turks were strangled, on 24 June 1798, in Belgrade.

Adamantios Korais was born in Smyrna, in 1748. In 1788 he reached Paris and fell immediately in love with the city. His passion was reading and foreign languages. He translated ancient greek authors and produced 30 volumes of those translations. His main preoccupation was with education. He encouraged rich greeks to multiply throught Greece schools and libraries. Education would ensure not only the achievement of independence but also the establishment of a proper constitution for the new state.

In 14th September 1814 three Greeks in the port of Euxenus Pontus, Odessa, set up a secret society whose aim was the liberation of Greece (Romiosini). The names of the three founders were Nikolaos Skouphas, Athanasios Tsakalov and Emmanuel Xanthos while the society was given the name of Friendly Association Philiki Eteria. Their occupation was the commerce. Tsakalov had escaped from Ioannina, when Alis had asked his mother to send him to the palace. The first aim of the Philiki Eteria was to be secret because the spies and the traitors were in large numbers inside the empire. The founders therefore developed a number of codes. Kolokotronis was 118, Kapodistrias was the man of good deeds, Tsar the philanthropist etc. Two things were indispensable: money and members. The first to join was Anagnostopoulos and two rich brothers who lived in Moscow, George And Panayiotis Sekeris. The founders recruited merchants and rich expatriates abroad and many military leaders as Anagnostaras, Theodoros Kolokotronis, Petrobeis Mavromichalis, priests like Papaflessas intellectuals as Anthimos Gazis and only a woman and that was the shipowner Lascarina Bubulina from Spetses. The obvious candidate to lead the Philiki Eteria, was Ioannis Kapodistrias. Kapodistrias was born in Kerkyra island or Corfu, in 1776. In 1808, he was invited to St Petersburg and in 1815 he was appointed by Tsar Alexandros as foreign minister. Kapodistrias was very well informed about the situation in Europe, where the Holy Alliance, opposed to any revolutionary movement and was sure that any greek attempt would fail with result the loss of lives of thousands of innocent people. The alternative candidate was Alexandros Ipsilantis, a gallant soldier who had lost an arm in Russian service, he was very rich and was an aide-de-camp of the Tsar. He accepted immediately:I would gladly make any sacrifice, even of my wealth or myself for my homeland (patrida).

A person that played a significant role in the course of the revolution was the notorious Ali Pasha of Ioannina. Ali was born in 1750 in Albania. Ali's family was a family of criminals and thieves. The background of his childhood was the struggle for power at any cost, and the ruthless elimination of opponents. He became guardian of passes derben aga in 1778, for the whole central Greece Rumeli. He established a network of armed bands and through illegal exactions and assassinations, he acquired a fortune. In the following years Ali led his Albanian warriors on campaigns of widespread pillaging and extortion. In 1784 he was appointed governor pashas of Delbino and in 1787 governor of Ioannina. From this point he expanded his domain to Rumeli, Albania and even to Peloponesse. He became the most powerfull local despot. His ambitions were even to create an independent state with Albanians and even Greeks as main elements of his state. This was a sparkle of hope for greek subjects of the empire to become independent from the power of the Porte Pili. Ali lived in a resplendently grand style which much impressed his visitors. He owned dozens of palaces, had thousands of women in his harems, a large network of spies and of course a powerful army. In this army he used many greeks as Georgios Karaiskaikis and Odysseas Androutsos.

Only one small mountainous area defied Ali's power. And this was the Heroic Sulli. In 16th century, christians from Epirus who couldn't tolerate turkish tyranny settled to mountains of Suli (east of Parga harbour), where they fought against the oppressor remaing free and independent. Suli lies over the river Acheron and lake Acherousia where in the greek mythology was the pass for underworld Hades. Suliots had as main occupation the stockbreeding and of course the war. Ali attacked Suli many times without success. But suliiots with their brave leaders Georgius Botsares, Lambros Tzavelas, Dimos Drakos had always victories. Finally cracks in the solidarity of the clans had begun to appear. Botsaris family came in quarrel with the Tzavellas family. So in December 1803, after years of blockade, Suliots starving and exhausted, fought their last battle. The monk Samuel blowed himself with many suliots in the stronghold of Kughi. Suliot women jumped with their children from the rock of Zalongo, in order to avoid capture by the Turks.

In 1820, Ali was a powerful man and Ioannina a rich and prosperous city. But his star began to go down, when Sultan decide to use force against him. This was the best time for greeks. The civil war between turks that followed, gave the chance to Romeioi of Peloponesse and Rumeli to start their insurrection. Sultan sent Ismael pasha to attack Ioannina. Greeks backed Ali, so that the war could be prolonged as much as possible. Especially Suliots who had previously escaped to Corfu, allied to Ali and with Markos Botsaris and Georgios Drakos won many victories around Ioannina. The sultan dismissed Ismael as commander and appointed Hurshit, pasha of Peloponese - Morea as commnder of the forces against Ali. It took Hurshit a year to bring Ali down, a year in which he was unable to spare any forces in the crucial area of Morea. Ali was murdered in the Monastery of Aghios Panteleimon, January 1822.

Η επιχειρηματολογία των Σκοπίων, κατά τη συνεδρίαση του Δ.Δ.Χ, για την προσφυγή κατά της Ελλάδος

Όπως είναι πλέον γνωστό σε όλους, ξεκίνησε στη Χάγη, ενώπιον του Διεθνούς Δικαστηρίου, η ακροαματική διαδικασία στην υπόθεση της προσφυγής της ΠΓΔΜ κατά της Ελλάδας για την “αντίρρηση” που – κατά την ΠΓΔΜ – πρόβαλε η Αθήνα στην ένταξή της στο ΝΑΤΟ, κατά τη Σύνοδο Κορυφής που έγινε στο Βουκουρέστι τον Απρίλιο του 2008. Σύμφωνα με τους κανόνες διαδικασίας του Δικαστηρίου τον λόγο έλαβαν πρώτοι οι εκπρόσωποι και οι νομικοί σύμβουλοι της ΠΓΔΜ, ως προσφεύγουσας χώρας. Η επιχειρηματολογία της ΠΓΔΜ περιστράφηκε γύρω από τον ισχυρισμό ότι η Ελλάδα παραβίασε το άρθρο 11 της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας, ενέργεια που – κατά την άποψη των Σκοπίων – οδήγησε στην μη λήψη από την ΠΓΔΜ πρόσκλησης ένταξης στο ΝΑΤΟ. Υπενθυμίζεται ότι το εν λόγω άρθρο της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας προβλέπει ότι καταρχήν η Ελλάδα δεν θα εναντιώνεται στην εισδοχή της ΠΓΔΜ σε διεθνείς οργανισμούς, εκτός εάν η τελευταία αναφέρεται σε αυτούς με τη συνταγματική της ονομασία. Η παρουσία στη Δίκη του Υπουργού Εξωτερικών της ΠΓΔΜ Μιλόσοσκι, με την ιδιότητά του εκπροσώπου της χώρας του, προσέδωσε έντονα πολιτικό χρώμα στη διαδικασία. Στην ομιλία του ο Μιλόσοσκι τόνισε, μεταξύ άλλων, ότι τόσο η Ελλάδα όσο και η ΠΓΔΜ, κατά τη διάρκεια των πολυετών διαπραγματεύσεων για την επίλυση του ζητήματος της ονομασίας, άλλοτε αποδέχθηκαν και άλλοτε απέρριψαν προτάσεις του ειδικού διαμεσολαβητή του ΟΗΕ Μάθιου Νίμιτς. Υπογράμμισε ωστόσο ότι η εν λόγω δίκη δεν αφορά στην επίλυση της διαφοράς γύρω από το όνομα, αλλά στην παραβίαση από την Ελλάδα του άρθρου 11 της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας. Περαιτέρω ο Μιλόσοσκι υποστήριξε ότι, αν και η ΠΓΔΜ έχει το δικαίωμα να γίνεται δεκτή στους διεθνείς οργανισμούς με την προσωρινή της ονομασία, εν τούτοις έχει το δικαίωμα να χρησιμοποιεί την συνταγματική της ονομασία. Στο ίδιο μήκος κύματος, ο καθηγητής Φίλιπ Σαντς, νομικός σύμβουλος της ΠΓΔΜ, ανέφερε ότι η Ελλάδα μεταβάλλει συνεχώς την υπερασπιστική της γραμμή, μετά την κατάθεση της προσφυγής της ΠΓΔΜ, προβάλλοντας διαρκώς νέα επιχειρήματα. Μεταξύ αυτών είναι, κατά τον Σαντς και η προβολή του επιχειρήματος ότι λόγω των παραβιάσεων από την ΠΓΔΜ διατάξεων της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας, απαλλάσσεται η Ελλάδα από την υποχρέωση εφαρμογής της εν λόγω Συμφωνίας. Τούτο, κατά τον Φ. Σαντς, δεν βρίσκει έρεισμα στο διεθνές δίκαιο και ως εκ τούτου η Ελλάδα υπέχει διεθνή ευθύνη για τη στάση της. Ακολούθησε ο καθηγητής Σιν Μαρφι ο οποίος παρέπεμψε σε σειρά δηλώσεων του τότε Πρωθυπουργού της Ελλάδας Κ. Καραμανλή όπως και της τότε Υπουργού Εξωτερικών Ν. Μπακογιάννη, τόσο πριν όσο και κατά τη διάρκεια της Συνόδου Κορυφής του ΝΑΤΟ στο Βουκουρέστι. Από τις δηλώσεις αυτές, κατά την άποψή της ΠΓΔΜ, προκύπτει ότι η Ελλάδα άσκησε «βέτο». Επίσης ο Σ. Μάρφι υπογράμμισε ότι η Ελλάδα ουδέποτε προέβαλε ως δικαιολογητικό λόγο της «αντίρρησής» της την ενδεχόμενη χρήση από την ΠΓΔΜ της συνταγματικής της ονομασίας στο πλαίσιο της Ατλαντικής Συμμαχίας. Τέλος, κατά τη διάρκεια της χθεσινής συνόδου, ο καθηγητής Π. Κλέϊν ανέπτυξε νομική επιχειρηματολογία με την οποία προσπάθησε να απορρίψει την ελληνική θέση περί μη δικαιοδοσίας του διεθνούς δικαστηρίου στην εν λόγω υπόθεση. Την επόμενη μέρα οι νομικοί σύμβουλοι της ΠΓΔΜ έδωσαν και πάλι ιδιαίτερη βαρύτητα στο γεγονός ότι η διαφορά που εξετάζει το Διεθνές Δικαστήριο αφορά αποκλειστικά και μόνο την ερμηνεία του άρθρου 11 της ενδιάμεσης συμφωνίας. Ειδικότερα υποστήριξαν ότι το δεύτερο εδάφιο της παρ. 1 του άρθρου 11 δεν επιτρέπει στην Ελλάδα να προβάλει αντίρρηση παρά μόνον εάν ο διεθνής οργανισμός στον οποίο η ΠΓΔΜ αιτείται την εισδοχή της, πρόκειται να την αναφέρει με ονομασία διαφορετική από την προσωρινή της ονομασία. Ως εκ τούτου η ΠΓΔΜ δεν υποχρεούται, όπως υποστηρίζει η ελληνική πλευρά, να χρησιμοποιεί στους διεθνείς οργανισμούς στους οποίους καθίσταται μέλος την προσωρινή της ονομασία. Κατά δεύτερο λόγο, η πλευρά της ΠΓΔΜ τόνισε πως η Ελλάδα πρόβαλε ως μόνο λόγο για την εναντίωσή της στην ένταξη της ΠΓΔΜ στο ΝΑΤΟ, τόσο πριν όσο και κατά τη διάρκεια της Συνόδου του Βουκουρεστίου, τη μη επίλυση της διαφοράς γύρω από το όνομα. Και αυτό, όπως ανέφεραν οι εκπρόσωποι της ΠΓΔΜ, προκειμένου η Αθήνα να επιτύχει λύση της αρεσκείας της στο ζήτημα της ονομασίας. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό τονίστηκε ιδιαίτερα ότι η Ελλάδα από το 1995 μέχρι τη Σύνοδο του Βουκουρεστίου, ουδέποτε εναντιώθηκε στην ένταξη της ΠΓΔΜ σε οποιοδήποτε διεθνή οργανισμό. Σε γενικές γραμμές οι παρουσιάσεις των θέσεων της ΠΓΔΜ έγιναν σε τόνο επιθετικό και ενίοτε επιχειρήθηκε η απαξίωση της σημασίας που αποδίδει η Ελλάδα στο θέμα του ονόματος και των συμβόλων. Για παράδειγμα, προς αντίκρουση της ελληνικής επιχειρηματολογίας, η πλευρά της ΠΓΔΜ ισχυρίστηκε ότι οι αιτιάσεις της Ελλάδας για προηγούμενες παραβιάσεις της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας από πλευράς της ΠΓΔΜ (αλυτρωτισμός, χρήση Ήλιου Βεργίνας, επιθέσεις κατά της ελληνικής διπλωματικής αποστολής στα Σκόπια) είναι αναπόδεικτες ή μηδαμινής σημασίας. !!! Στο ίδιο πνεύμα υποστηρίχθηκε, τέλος, ότι η αντίρρηση της Ελλάδας στη εισδοχή της ΠΓΔΜ στο ΝΑΤΟ αποτελεί μέτρο δυσανάλογο με τις εν λόγω παραβιάσεις. Έτσι ολοκληρώθηκε ο πρώτος γύρος της παρουσίασης των επιχειρημάτων της ΠΓΔΜ. Η Ελλάδα έλαβε το λόγο σήμερα Πέμπτη 24 Μαρτίου. Με πληροφορίες από τον Ελεύθερο Τύπο Διαβάστε επίσης: Ενδιάμεση συμφωνία και παραπληροφόρηση Το Μακεδονικό Ζήτημα από την άποψη του Διεθνούς Δικαίου Τετάρτη 13 Σεπτεμβρίου 1995 - Υπογραφή της Ενδιάμεσης Συμφωνίας Μάρτυρας υπεράσπισης των Σκοπίων ο Αντώνης Σαμαράς; Για ποιά Συμφωνία μιλάμε ακριβώς;